Introduction

The aim of the group research project was to denounce the popular assumptions that the men which remained at home during the Second World War were considered as effeminate. The civilian male worker has largely been absent from the popular representations of World War Two in Britain unlike the figure of the ‘soldier hero’. Furthermore, the male civilian workers of military age who remained on the home front were often vilified as ‘shirkers’ who were avoiding military service. Thus they were exposed to the discourse of effeminacy surrounding conscientious objectors. The topic selected has attracted very little attention from historians with no historical research project being published on this area to date, thus making our group research project unique and exciting. As such we were drawn by the idea of being able to act as pioneers in an important area of historical discourse. The sources we used were previously conducted interviews and primary sources; such as BBC Peoples War archive, Mass Observation, Union History and select interviews from Portsmouth City Archives, the reason being was the implausibility of covering as wide a range of occupations, such as farmers and coal miners, which feature in our study. The area of research which I conducted included factory workers and engineers, which is arguably where most of the ‘evidence’ used to depict men as having their masculinity challenged came from. At the outbreak of war there was a massive amount of enthusiasm which is displayed by the influx of men seeking to join the armed forces to test themselves on the field of battle which ultimately typified the traditional form of masculinity. However many men were prevented from taking part in active service, as they possessed the necessary skills which would aid Britain’s war machine. These were the men of the reserved occupations, confined to the home front and without a uniform, the confirmation of masculinity; they were prime targets for criticisms and open up to assertions of their effeminacy.

Historiography

Primarily, the research project aimed to explore the question which was first articulated by Penny Summerfield in Reconstructing Women’s Wartime Lives that “if wartime heroism and masculinity were embodied in the military man, where did that leave the civilian male worker?”1Summerfield uses recollections of women in the 1990’s as her evidence that there was a polarisation of images of men between the “young fit soldier and the old or unfit civilian,”2 continuing to say that the reserving of young fit men was rarely discussed. The sources Summerfield uses assert that “there were no men. The men were all away”3, this creates the image that those on the home front were inferior men, of sub-standard stock when compared to servicemen. Sonya Rose agrees with the position that the hegemonic masculinity was intrinsically dependent upon visibly being a member of the armed forces.4

The image constructed of the civilian male in the Second World War was unflattering; he was “unfit, incompetent, unconscientious and not real men compared to men in the armed forces”.5 However it is exactly this image which Sue Bruley denounces, using the diary of Kathleen Church-Bliss and Elsie Whiteman highlights that no such claims were made about the male co-workers; in fact a generally positive image of male workers is expressed.6 Complementing Sue Bruley, Arthur McIvor challenges the views of Summerfield and Peniston-Bird who argues the circumstances of wartime challenged the traditional gender roles. Whilst the men who joined up became uniformed combatants and were exalted as ‘real men’, others who were forced to stay in their pre-war jobs, in the reserved occupation, could have their masculinity undermined by accusations of cowardice or ‘taking the easy option’.”7 With that being said, there were “twice as many man served in the Reserved Occupations’ as combatants”8, McIvor uses this as evidence that even through the heightened masculinity of uniformed combatants and the challenge which the rising position of women caused, ultimately their masculinity was sustained. The tailoring of their war work was also complimentary to sustaining their masculinity, men continued throughout wartime to dominate the toughest, heaviest, most dangerous jobs and a clear sexual division of labour persisted.”9 The full employment and higher earnings these men enjoyed was a throwback to the era when men could justifiably assert the ‘breadwinner’ image, before the era of unemployment the thirties was typified for. Finally the work of the men of the reserved occupations were supported through propaganda of the state, depicting their war work to be of paramount importance and were directly linked to the men on the frontline.10

Methodology

Whilst some interviews focussing upon the male civilian workers in wartime exist within archive, locating the sources required dedicated research to locate them. No systematic collecting has been done to display those who were civilian workers for the duration of the war, this ultimately contributed to their cultural invisibility. The research project made use of databases and previously conducted interviews; the primary reason is linked to the implausibility of conducting a sufficient number of interviews in such a wide variety of occupations. For instance, to create an image of masculinity in coal mining areas we would need to travel to Wales or even to Northern England. Also the generation which have the lived experiences in their memories have unfortunately mostly passed away.

Many complications arose from utilising only archival sources, such as we were isolated from the interviewing process, thus we had no ability to direct the interviewee to answer the questions we wanted. Thus the quantity of sources used was amplified in order to extract just a few short snippets of information, relevant to understanding the image of civilian men’s masculinity.

It is important to note that a successful interview has two people actively engaging with one another, meaning that an interview is a collaborative effort ensuring that the rapport between the interviewee and the interviewer plays a significant role in the formation of history.11 Audio recordings were utilised, though on the most part transcripts proved to be more useful, due to the high volume of sources used, this however creates its own set of problems, for we were detached from the interviewee. No real sense of emotion could be ascertained through the transcripts also the tone and rhythm are missed, which could alter the message of the interview as a whole.12 The interview material used was collected fifty or sixty years after the end of the war, so the role of memory within the accounts needs to be considered. Interviews usually take place at a point of reflection and composure of the subject’s life this however has a diluting effect in their historical worth and accuracy, they become subjected to outside influences, which distort the personal insight of an event to reflect the collective memory of society.13 Allesandro Portelli highlight the effects which memory can play upon recounting events, he states that “memory is not a passive depository of facts, but an active process of creation of meanings”14.

Summary of Findings

Several themes surfaced across the different occupations which were investigated in the research project. One of the most poignant themes which reveals itself in the interviews of men in reserved occupations was their struggle for recognition for their contribution to the war effort. This theme of a lack of recognition existed in all the occupations, but perhaps most obvious in regards to the Bevin Boys. Bevin Boys were miners who were conscripted at random to serve their country in the pits, instead of taking up military service. The lack of recognition which the miners felt is displayed clearly in the story of Dennis Fisher recorded for BBC Peoples War archive (appendix A). Fisher elaborates on the invisibility he and other Bevin boys experienced by stating,

After serving 20 years in the coal industry I reckoned that I’d done my bit and done old Bevin well, more than he’d given in return to the Bevin Boys after the war ended for Service to King and Country as they became known as “The Forgotten Army of Conscripts”.15

The theme of appreciation continues in the account of the former Home Guard’s men Clive Bishop featured in the BBC Peoples War archive; he speaks of his desire to get a medal for recognition, something which had continuously appealed to parliament for. He states,

I was very disappointed to find out after all my free time given in good faith that I was not entitled to a Defence Medal because the war finished before I had fulfilled the time allocated for a medal. I have written several letters to the Ministry, and to Tony Blair. I am now coming up to eighty years of age but still have a photograph of my comrades who I often think about. If the Ministry of Defence don’t think I am worth a medal — Good Luck, I tried my best.”16 A typical example is the testimony of Bill Gibbs, who wrote that:

Eventually I was ‘demobbed’ and allowed to return to civilian life, with no gratuities or recognition whatsoever for three years hard, dirty and hazardous labour. I felt I had done my bit for the war effort, and like many other Bevin Boys returned home deflated and aggrieved by the way we had been treated.”17

Penny Summerfield, in her book Reconstructing Women’s Wartime Lives, utilises “recollections of the women interviewed in the 1990’s of the men with whom they worked in the 1940’s”18 in order to argue that all the ‘real men’ had gone to war. Therefore the relationship between men and women is also an area of importance to consider when looking into the masculinity of the men in reserved occupations. Throughout the sources in my sub-area of factory workers and engineers, the topic of factory relations between men and women continually surfaced. No animosity or hostility surfaces in any of these accounts, in fact mutual respect, cooperation and camaraderie permeated throughout. Such as the interview with Frank Cutts, who when asked about women in the factory, he responded by saying “Oh, yes! Lots and lots of women… They got on very, very well, quite surprising really. From all walks of life.”19 Mr Cutts was a very typical account as shown by the consensus with Donald Kennedy, a factory worker in Rochester, who stated “The ladies became most efficient and some were most outstanding, equal to any man that I have met. But they say it was difficult to work with men. It was difficult to work with women, but I didn’t find that. I found them very good.”20 Female factory workers opinions of men were also described in a positive light, according to Betty Shiers who states “they [men] accepted us”.21 This sense of good relations between the sexes did not stop at the factories; dockyard workers similarly speak of good relations with Mr Collins stating “everybody was very friendly [towards women]”.22 Also Mr Turk, a train driver, states “they were good”23 when referring to relations between men and women.

McIvor speaks of is the importance of employment for men and their masculinity for the war was seen to have a poignant effect at reasserting masculinity after the emasculating effects of the 1930’s.24 “Full employment and high earnings in wartime, moreover, rolled back the emasculating experience of the 1930s, years of high unemployment and insecurity which has seriously challenged the role of many men to ‘perform’ as breadwinners.”25 There was however a gendering of roles much lilke inb the previous war to ensure that there was a clear division of labour. McIvor states “men continued throughout wartime to dominate the toughest, heaviest, most dangerous jobs and a clear sexual division of labour persisted – with female workers only penetrating to a limited extent the all-male bastions of the dangerous heavy industries.”26 Their masculinity was further supported through propaganda of the state aligning success in their work with militaristic victories; in effect it reassured them of their own importance to the war effort.27 This is shown to be enforced due to their absence from industries such as coal mining, also through their limited use on working in the dockyards. If very similar work was undertaken it was done under the supervision, Mr Turk and Mr Collins, Dockers working in Portsmouth, state “women weren’t allowed to work on ships unless it was in daylight and with a shipwright supervising”28.

The image of the soldier hero in this era still epitomised and personified masculinity, with Sonya Rose going so far to assert the “successful enactment [of masculinity], depended upon being visibly a member of the fighting forces”29. Many of the men interviewed attempted to join the fighting forces with several failing on medical grounds such as Mr Collins who failed due to a perforated eardrum and Adrian Taylor and Reginald Carline both failing due to colour blindness. When Mr carline was asked if he wished that he could have joined the navy he responded by saying, “Oh, yes, yes. I dearly wanted to go in the Navy because I’d had uncles in the Navy, I’d set my heart on being an artificer apprentice”.30 These minor deficiencies could have been used to create the idea of the men left behind as being unfit; however the men themselves protected themselves from such insecurities through their involvement with the home guard.

For the men who were forced into reserved occupations regardless of their physical fitness they in most cases accepted, though begrudgingly, that their work was necessary to the war effort and their own perceptions of their war work was seemingly strengthening their masculinity. An example of this can be found in Frank Cutts’ account where he states “When I put my name down for the RAF and they told me I was doing more important work than I could do in the RAF. This is why they told me I was not wanted in the RAF.”31 The sense of pride in donning a military uniform was something which was restricted from the men in the reserved occupations, so they supplemented their militaristic contributions through work with the Home Guard. With Reginald Carline speaking of how him and his factory chums joined up believing “we got to try and do our bit” 32, as if his war work within the factory was not sufficient. The enthusiasm was seemingly universal from the men of the “reserved occupations with Wilfred Hodgson, a twenty year old farm worker stating “within a few hours thousands had offered their services.” Bill had registered for military service though he was not accepted “as I was in a reserved occupation, so I saw this as a chance to do my bit in the defence of my country”.33

Conclusion

The investigation the group undertook sought to challenge traditional view of masculinity for men in reserved occupations was shrouded in the belief that these men were in some way feminised and viewed as lesser men. Penny Summerfield utilises sources where women retain the belief that the men in reserved occupations were lesser men who just didn’t make the grade to serve in a militaristic capacity. The memories the women interviewed recalled was that the men were “lazy, slapdash, inadequate, resentful, and exploitative”34, however the interviews of men in reserved occupations give no impression that they felt emasculated by their inability to join the armed forces because of the emphasis placed upon vital importance of their work and their ability to contribute towards the defence of the nation.35 The war work men undertook fostered the image of their masculinity, by doing the hardest and most challenging work there was a real intrinsic link to their efforts at home and successes on the battlefield, this was supported through the war propaganda. The regret of not being able to contribute to the war in a combative role is evident, however when the option of fighting is taken away from them the argument of the men in reserve occupations as being effeminate appears to be lacking. The men, who doubled the numbers of those serving in the military, understood their importance. The regret of not being able to fight can be seen to be linked to their lack of recognition, as it was the ‘soldier hero’ imagery which has been promoted as the ideal and recognised as the victors of the war. The invisibility of the men in reserve occupations has sold these men short and whilst they may have been invisible to wider society, their masculinity was never threatened or questioned by themselves or others who knew of their contributions.

Appendix A

No Hats, No Plumes,
No Uniforms
No Badge for them to wear,
No Regiment
No choice
No recognition. 
No Light, No sight,
No chance to fight,
No Medal for defence,
No Honours Roll, No bugle call,
No acknowledgement. 
The cage, the hole,
The dreaded drop,
The deepest trench, Foxhole,
In seams of eighteen inches high
They dug the precious coal

 

Appendix 1 http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=183&QueryPage

Frank Cutts- Worked for the largest gear cutting company in England.

  • When the RAF flying crew made their thirty ops they gave us a pep talk.”

The direct link of the factories work and the RAF/Armies war effort was displayed regularly encouraged them to continue with their vital work and showed their true worth.

  • I used to work from about eight o’clock in the morning until about eight o’clock at night.”

No suggestion that their war work was easy.

  • My mother came in and she said: ‘There’s no work today’. It was the end of the war, you know, in Europe. And so we had the day off to celebrate.”

Plays down his involvement in celebrations, potentially due to his lack of acknowledgement, this is a common theme throughout the sources.

  • They formed the works band! When they first started it was quite funny, really. And they had one or two people who came from the works, the workers; one or two as a comedian… We formed our own entertainment.”

Camaraderie and good relations implied, a real sense of cooperation and community within the workplace, which included women, no sense of gender tensions brought about by the rise in their status,

  • Oh, yes! Lots and lots of women. They got on quite well! One instance, the girl thought it wasn’t the components that we were doing, it was the scrap material! They got on very, very well. They had to dress up in overalls… They really mixed well, quite surprisingly, really… They used to whistle when the girl who was an ex-modelwould walk through. It was always in good fun, she used to take it in good fun.”

Displays the good relationship within the factory, having fun with each other.

  • We took it under our belt. I mean, soldiers and airmen were doing far more dangerous jobs than we were.”

Displays how he and the other men in the factory perceived their positions in regards to combatants, however no suggestion of feeling effeminised, perhaps he suffered from feeling inadequate.

  • We weren’t slacking any time, you know… We had a job to do and we thought we would do it to our best ability.”

No implication of slacking just focussing on serving the country and doing what was asked of them.

Appendix 2

Betty Shiers- Worked in a factory in Southampton.

http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=594&QueryPage=

  • And they accepted us. They allowed us women to join them,”

No animosity from men towards women.

  • That’s how I met my husband. He was working in the docks. And I was down there at a factory gate meeting, actually selling The Daily Worker.”

  • You know, I can’t, honestly, remember. I can’t remember any disputes at the [Weir] Engineering. I really can’t.”

Trade union meetings which accepted women, but shows through there was a sense of unity for the working classes, not displaying resentment towards the men in reserved occupations as shirkers of their real responsibility of fighting.

  • And the trained men actually set our machines for us… So all we had to do was to operate them.”

Displays the division of labour and the deliberate divide in gendering war work.

  • When asked if she earned the same as men: “I doubt it. There wasn’t equality then, was there? We couldn’t have been earning the same. I mean, let’s face it, they’d served five years’ apprenticeship. We’d done six months as a … I mean, we weren’t engineers, were we? But they accepted us.”

Acknowledges the importance in the men who were kept back to help in the factories, also that they were better trained and thus was deserving of the extra pay. This represents the polar opposite to what Penny Summerfield argues, that men were undeserving of any such esteem and they were “lazy, slapdash, inadequate, resentful, and exploitative”36

  • Well, there were two sections to it. The section that I was in was supposed to be for the skilled workers. And there was another section for unskilled workers. And I think there would be about a hundred where I was working and roughly about the same in the other side.

Appendix 3

Walter Farrar- Engineer Worked for Ministry of Supplies working for low frequency FM radio signals.

http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=279&QueryPage=

  • We weren’t doing such a lot at Woolwich, actually. We found time on our hands and four of us tried very hard to join the Army. With [Remy] being in formation and a War Office captain with us had got some forms from the War Office. We filled them in, he took them back to the War Office, came back and said: ‘They’d be pleased to have you.’ Hooray! we thought. We went through all the processes, medicals and all interviews and all the rest, and were damned by the Minister of Supply, who said the work we were doing was too important for us to be put over into military. Which wasn’t true because at the time we were doing nothing, just sitting there, twiddling our thumbs. Once I’d got into the German thing, life was highly interesting and to me, rewarding.”

Displays resentment towards the Ministry of Supply who prevented him from continuously being involved in the war, which was seen as important, also the desire to join military was strong, perhaps felt as if he was shirtking his responsibility by not contributing towards the war effort. However any such anxieties dissipated when new order from the ministry had him actively contributing to the war effort.

Appendix 4

John Drinkwater- A chartered engineer (highly skilled)

http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=257&QueryPage=

  • So I found myself in a reserved occupation, and although I volunteered for service in the Fleet Air Arm, as a matter of fact, they accepted me on my medical and educational grounds, but they wouldn’t accept me because I was in a reserved occupation… Something like that. So I found myself stuck with Taylor, Taylor and Hobson. I joined the Home Guard as soon as Antony Eden made his speech, appealing for volunteers.

Clearly shows his resentment towards not being able to live out the soldier hero motif, as such he supplemented his war time work with the Home Guards.

Bibliography

Secondary

Abrams, Lynn, Oral History Theory, (London: Routledge, 2010).

Bruley, Sue, ‘A New Perspective on Women Workers in the Second World War: The Industrial Diary of Kathleen Church-Bliss and Elsie Whiteman’, Labour History Review, 67 (2), 2003, pp.217-234.

Hunt, Nigel, Memory, War and Trauma, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

McIvor, Arthur, Working lives in Britain since 1945, (Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2013).

Portelli, Alessandro, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories: Form and Meaning in Oral History, (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991).

Portelli, Allesandro, ‘What makes oral history different’, in Robert Perks and Thompson, Alistair (ed.)s, The Oral History Reader,( New York: Routledge, 1998).

Rose, Sonya O., Which People’s War? National Identity and Citizenship in Britain 1939-1945, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).

Summerfield, Penny, Reconstructing Women’s Wartime Lives: Discourse and Subjectivity in Oral Histories of the Second World War, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998).

BBC People’s War Archive

Bill Gibbs, BBC WW2 People’s War Archive, 04/11/2004, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar/stories/75/a3224675.shtml, last accessed 12 March 2014.

Clive Bishop, BBC WW2 People’s War Archive, 23/08/2005, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar/stories/95/a5279295.shtml, Date last accessed 11/03/2014

Dennis Fisher, BBC People’s War Archive, 02/10/2004, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar/stories/17/a3078317.shtml, Date last accessed 11/03/2014

TUC Workers War

Betty Shiers, 21/04/05, T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=594&QueryPage, last accessed 11/03/2014

Donald Kennedy, No exact date (2005), T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=567&QueryPage=, Date last accessed 11/03/2014.

Donald McPhail, No Date, T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=571&QueryPage, l ast accessed 11/03/2014

Frank Cutts, 13/01/2005, T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=183&QueryPage, Date last accessed 11/03/2014.

James MacKeller, No date, T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=570&QueryPage, last accessed 11/03/2014.

John Drinkwater, 15/02/2005, T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=257&QueryPage=, Last accessed 13/03/2014.

Walter Farrar, 16/02/05, T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=279&QueryPage=, Last accessed, 13/03/2014.

Portsmouth History Centre

Mr Adrian Taylor, Portsmouth at War Collection, Ref 5210A, 16/10/1998, Portsmouth History Centre.

Mr Collins, Portsmouth Royal Dockyard Historical Trust Collection, PD1-AD-18, [undated], Portsmouth History Centre.

Mr Reginald Carline, Portsmouth at War Collection, Ref 5230A, 17/03/1999, Portsmouth History Centre.

Mr Turk, Portsmouth Royal Dockyard Historical Trust Collection, Ref PD1-AD-4, 10/05/1994, Portsmouth History Centre.

Other

Frank Shaw and Joan Shaw, We Remember the Home Guard, (Elbury Press, 2012 [First published 1990]).

Oral Testimony from: Bill Hall

Wilfred Hodgson

Eric Gregory

John Slawson

Gerald Cook

1 Penny Summerfield, Reconstructing Women’s Wartime Lives: Discourse and Subjectivity in Oral Histories of the Second World War, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), p.119

2 Penny Summerfield, Reconstructing Women’s Wartime Lives: Discourse and Subjectivity in Oral Histories of the Second World War, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), p. 121

3 Penny Summerfield, Reconstructing Women’s, p.121

4 Sonya O. Rose, Which People’s War? National Identity and Citizenship in Britain 1939-1945, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 153

5 Summerfield, Reconstructing Women’s, pp.121-132 in Sue Bruley, ‘A New Perspective on Women Workers in the Second World War: The Industrial Diary of Kathleen Church-Bliss and Elsie Whiteman’, Labour History Review, 67 (2), 2003, pp.217-234; p.225.

6 Summerfield, Reconstructing Women’s, pp.121-132 in Sue Bruley, ‘A New Perspective on Women Workers in the Second World War: The Industrial Diary of Kathleen Church-Bliss and Elsie Whiteman’, Labour History Review, 67 (2), 2003, pp.217-234; pp. 217-234.

7 Arthur McIvor, Working lives in Britain since 1945, (Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2013); p.78.

8 McIvor, Working lives, p.79.

9 McIvor, Working lives, p. 79.

10 McIvor, Working Lives, p. 79

11 Lynn Abrams, Oral History Theory, (London: Routledge, 2010), p.14

12 Allesandro Portelli, ‘What makes oral history different’, in Robert Perks and Alistair Thompson (ed.)s, The Oral History Reader,( New York: Routledge, 1998), p. 65

13 Nigel Hunt, Memory, War and Trauma, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010); p.105.

14 Alessandro Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories: Form and Meaning in Oral History, (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991); p.52

15 Dennis Fisher, Pride Before The Fall- A Bevin Boy, 02/10/2004, BBC Peoples War Archive, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar/stories/17/a3078317.shtml, Date last accessed 11/03/2014

16 Clive Bishop, Comrades In Arms, 23/08/2005, BBC Peoples War Archive, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar/stories/95/a5279295.shtml, Date last accessed 11/03/2014

17 Bill Gibbs, BBC WW2 People’s War, 4 November 20004, http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar/stories/75/a3224675.shtml, last accessed 12 March 2014.

18 Penny Summerfield, Reconstructing Women’s Wartime Lives: Discourse and Subjectivity in Oral Histories of the Second World War, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), p. 121

19 Frank Cutts, 13/01/2005, T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=183&QueryPage, Date last accessed 11/03/2014, p. 4

20 Donald Kennedy, No exact date (2005), T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=567&QueryPage=, Date last accessed 11/03/2014, p. 11

21 Betty Shiers, 21/04/05, T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=594&QueryPage, last accessed 11/03/2014

22 Mr Collins, [undated], PD1-AD-18, Portsmouth Royal Dockyard Historical Trust Collection, Portsmouth History Centre.

23 Mr Turk (Dockyard Worker), 10 May 1994, PD1-AD-4, Portsmouth Royal Dockyard Historical Trust Collection, Portsmouth History Centre.

24 McIvor, Working lives, p.79.

25 McIvor, Working lives, p.79.

26 McIvor, Working lives, p.79.

27 McIvor, Working lives, p.79.

28 Mr Collins, [undated], PD1-AD-18, Portsmouth Royal Dockyard Historical Trust Collection, Portsmouth History Centre.

29 Soyan Rose, Which People’s War: National Identity and Citizenship in Britain 1939-1945, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 153

30 Reginald Carline, Portsmouth at War Collection, Ref 5230A, 17/03/1999

31 Frank Cutts, 13/01/2005, T.U.C. The Workers’ War: Home Front Recalled, http://www.unionhistory.info/workerswar/display.php?irn=183&QueryPage, Date last accessed 11/03/2014, p. 4

32 Reginald Carline, Portsmouth at War Collection, Ref 5230A, 17/03/1999

33 Frank and Joan Shaw, We Remember the Home Guard, (Elbury Press, 2012 [First published 1990]), p. 32

34 Penny Summerfield, Reconstructing Women’s Wartime Lives: Discourse and Subjectivity in Oral Histories of the Second World War, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), p. 124

35 Rose, Which People’s War?, p.153. ; Summerfield, Reconstructing Women’s, pp.116-119.

36 Penny Summerfield, Reconstructing Women’s Wartime Lives: Discourse and Subjectivity in Oral Histories of the Second World War, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), p. 124

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